LRAN

Mesuji, land conflict and legal pluralism

LRAN — 2011-12-22T16:58:16Z

The writer is a researcher and lecturer at Airlangga University's Faculty of Law, Surabaya. His book, Legal Pluralism in Industrialized Indonesia: A Case Study of Land Conflict Between Adat People, the Government, and Corporations regarding Industrialization in Middle Java, was published in Germany by VDM Verlag Dr. Müller.

http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/...

We are shocked by the reports of violence in Mesuji, which borders Lampung and South Sumatra. Controversy, however, has shrouded the case, after video footage depicting heinous mass killings were played before the House of Representatives, some parts of which turned out to be taken in the rebellious south Thailand region of Pattani, according to CBS News.

Whether or not the controversial video footage is really associated with the Mesuji killings, violence occurred in the area as a result of a land conflict between local people and an oil palm plantation company, as emphasized by human rights group Kontras (The Jakarta Post, Dec. 12, 2011). As investigations to find the root cause of the violence are under way, a land dispute as the trigger of the conflict should be taken into consideration.

Land affairs are governed under Law No. 5/1960, which is popularly known as the Indonesian Agrarian Law (UUPA). It is clear in the law that, according to the Constitution, the earth, water and all resources fall under the state's control (Article 2) and therefore the state has the authority to award rights over land to the people, either individuals or corporations (Article 4).

So, according to the law, the right of land can only be obtained if it is given by the state.

However, in the sense of positive law, the UUPA is the primary law regulating all matters of land in Indonesia, and empirically there is also customary (adat) law, as legislation regulating land among the customary societies. Customary law is unwritten law that has existed in our society since a long time ago, composed of traditional values, emergent from daily customs of the people and inherited by ancestors.

Adat law regulated the daily conduct of our people before the Indonesian state was born. It is a fact we can't disregard that some of our people still believe in adat law more than any other law, and thus they will only obey their adat law and ignore other laws, including state laws.

This happens not because of the spirit of separatism or disobedience to the state, but because adat law is the law reflecting the cultural values of the people.

So, adat law is part of their cultural identity and therefore it is the law closest to their life.

Generally, most adat laws in Indonesia stipulate that land is a property owned collectively by a community of customary people, and thus a right of land is a communal right, derived from the existence of a community of adat people, which is commonly called an ulayat right.

Furthermore, according to adat law, land is not merely perceived as material goods, but is something sacred because it is perceived as “the mother” that gives birth and feeds all people living on the land (Koesnoe, 2000).

As “their mother”, none of the adat people will give up the land to anyone, including the state.

Under agrarian law, the ulayat right of a community of adat people is recognized as long as it is not contradictory to the state's interest (Article 3).

In other words, if particular land is possessed by a community of adat people with their ulayat right while the state has an interest in such land, the ulayat right of the customary people can be ignored.

Under agrarian law, land is perceived simply as material goods that can be utilized for development by the state as the authorized owner of the land.

The presence of agrarian law and customary law not only demonstrates a conflict, but also a plurality of laws in such a diverse country like Indonesia.

However, the government, the legislature, law enforcers, lawyers and even judges often neglect the fact that plural laws govern land matters and tend to consider the state's positive law as the most prominent and thus the most powerful law.

They simply take for granted a notion that the state's positive law should be the only legislation that regulates the society and therefore they ignore the most important element of the law itself, which is the people, who might have enforced their own law for generations before a positive law emerged.

Holding such perceptions, which is referred to as a “legal centralism paradigm” (Griffiths, 1986), the state and other stake holders of this country simply fail to understand society.

Pull-out military from Hacienda Luisita, peasants urged Noynoy

LRAN — 2010-08-24T04:48:24Z

August 17, 2010 --- Reference: Roy Morilla, KMP Public Information Officer (0907-418-0098)

The militant Kilusang Magbubukid ng Pilipinas (KMP, Peasant Movement of the Philippines) and Katipunan ng mga Samahang Magbubukid sa Timog Katagalugan (KASAMA-TK, KMP Southern Tagalog) urged president Benigno “Noynoy” Aquino to immediately pull-out the military in Hacienda Luisita. The groups said that the military has been threatening farmworkers protesting the Stock Distribution Option (SDO) and served as the private army of the Cojuangco-Aquinos.

"Noynoy Aquino is lying to his teeth when he says he is adopting a `hands-off' policy on the Hacienda Luisita issue. His military is totally serving his family and relatives, as their private army against farmworkers who are struggling for their rights to land," said Danilo Ramos, KMP Secretary-General in a press statement.

"We have a president who is useless to Filipino peasants and number one protector of landlords and hacienderos, with the Armed Forces of the Philippines under their disposal. He is not hands-off on the Hacienda Luisita, he is concretely anti-peasant, anti-land reform against any democratic change," added Axel Pinpin, Secretary-General of KASAMA-TK.

The groups are presently holding the 100-day peasant camp-out in front of the Dept. of Agrarian Reform (DAR) to challenge Aquino to effect fundamental change or signals of it on his first 100 days of administration. They have submitted their omnibus demands to Aquino on June 30 and a key agenda was regarding human rights protection and the stop of militarization of farmers' communities.

"Militarization has been a key factor to Cojuangco-Aquinos. During the 1989 referendum on the SDO, Hacienda Luisita was heavily militarized and the soldiers themselves campaigned for the SDO. Before the strike of November 2004, the military was relatively absent at the area, thus, farmworkers were able to express and organize themselves freely and without fear," Ramos said.

Farmworkers from Alyansa ng Manggagawang Bukid sa Asyenda Luisita (AMBALA) and United Luisita Workers' Union (ULWU) said that 8 out of 10 barangays have military detachments and the barangay officials were recruited as CAFGUs (civilian paramilitary) which obliged them to operate for the military.

Lito Bais, acting ULWU president and AMBALA chair Felix Nacpil said that they have always been on guard of potential attacks such as extra-judicial killing or abduction, such as what happened to Central Azucarera de Tarlac Labor Union (CATLU) president Ric Ramos who was also the chair of Bgy. Mapalacsiao who was killed by sniper fire at his house on October 25, 2005.

The groups said that the military played a vital role for the Cojuangco-Aquinos after the Hacienda Luisita massacre on November 16, 2004.

"After the massacre which killed 7 farmworkers, was a series of extra-judicial killings which felled CATLU president Ric Ramos, Tarlac Councilor Abel Ladera, Philippine Independent Church Father William Tadeña, KMP Tarlac leaders Marcelino Beltran and Ben Concepcion and 2 others," said Ramos.

They also said that the recent referendum of the sham compromise deal was brought out by massive military operations thus farmworkers protests and organizing have been subdued to an extent.

The groups said that the history of Hacienda Luisita has been heavily marked by peasant struggle and mass deception and oppression by the Cojuangco-Aquinos. The farmworkers who are the legitimate owners of the 6,453-hectare of land are being conned and harassed repetitively by the Cojuangco-Aquinos in line to serve their interest.

In 1957, the Cojuangco-Aquinos used public funds to acquire Hacienda Luisita under a condition that it would be distributed in 10 years time but the Cojuangco-Aquinos showed no plans of distributing the lands for more than 50 years.

"The Cojuangco-Aquinos are the epitome of the modern-day landlords who would resort to power, corruption and lies to preserve their control over the vast lands. They are entrenched to the very seat of political power represented by president Noynoy Aquino, also on mass media, as he is backed-up by a major media network. They are using these to maintain their control over Hacienda Luisita,“Ramos said.”Thus, we call on Noynoy Aquino to immediately pull your military out of Hacienda Luisita and stop lying that you are lenient on the issue when obviously you are not. You are a president of no land reform agenda, no human rights agenda, no people agenda whatsoever. Not having a land reform plans, you are of no use to the Fililipino peasants," called Ramos.

NEWS RELEASE: The armed men formed a line, pointed their guns at us and fired

LRAN — 2010-08-05T17:36:58Z

MARAMAG, Bukidnon— " The armed men formed a line, pointed their guns at us and fired," This was how Erlinda Bacandon described how around ten gunmen fired at a group of farmers who occupied a ranch owned by a prominent supporter of President Benigno Aquino Jr., in Maramag town, Bukinon this morning.

4 August 2010

Lanie Factor - 09209512269 Joseph Coles - 09183529463

Two of the farmers were hurt and have to be rushed to a hospital in Maramag but Bacandon said many more farmers sustained bruises as they tried to run away from the withering fire from the armed men. Bacandon said the gunmen were armed with M16 and M14 rifles, shotguns and pistols.

The farmers were able to take dramatic pictures of the gunmen as they fired at the farmers who lay flat on the ground.

"They just fired and fired their guns. Many of us tripped over the wired fences. We were terrified," Bacandon narrated.

Mansueto Jocaris, a farmer, sustained a shotgun pellet wound on his arm and was rushed a nearby hospital in Maramag town.

Also rushed to the hospital was Fe Panelo whose face was nearly crushed when one of the gunmen kick her as she lay on the ground to cover. Bacandon, who heads the Nakagawa Dulugon Farmers Association, said they have taken shelter at a covered court beside the barangay hall in Dulugon, Maramag. “We are scared to go back. We have to look who among us are injured,” Bacandon said in a phone interview.

Bacandon said around 100 members of the Nakagawa Dulugon Farmers Association occupied the 200-hectare ranch owned by the late Roberto Montalvan, one of the pioneers in Bukidnon province. The ranch is now managed by Montalvan's wife, Rosario, a known supporter of President Benigno Aquino III. Bacandon said the ranch was operated by Montalvan for the last 25 years under an Agro-Farm Lease Agreement but she said this had already expired.

She said hours after they occupied the ranch this morning. The gunmen arrived on a truck. Bacandon said the leader of the armed men came and told them to leave. When they refused, Bacandon said the gunmen fired.

Lt. Col. Triumph Dominic Bagaipo, spokesperson of the Army Fourth Infantry Division said the Army will conduct an investigation after the farmers noted that the unidentified leader of the gunmen was wearing a white tshirt of the 4ID Division Training Unit which was based in Camp Bahian, Malaybalay City. (Maribel Dano TFM Information)

Contemporary Slavery in Brazil: 1985 to 2009

LRAN — 2010-07-11T16:06:36Z

President of the Board of Directors of the Network for Social Justice and Human Rights, priest and anthropologist, professor in the School of Social Service of the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro, and Coordinator of the Contemporary Slave Labor Research Group of the Center for Public Policies on Human Rights of the same University.

In Brazil, 121 years after promulgation of the Golden Law, slavery, even if illegal, persists in a new form, with a new face. This is confirmed in rural and urban areas by several studies. Given the persistence of the problem, the paths to a solution seem overwhelming. But what are the well trodden roads taken to combat or eradicate contemporary slavery?

During the Dictatorship, the action of the State was irregular, without a national plan for combating the crime and even without formal recognition of its existence; the little that was done depended on sporadic actions by the Federal Police (PF). It is not without reason, then, that the anthropologist Neide Esterci stated, in her research in the 1960s, before the known claims made in the following decades by pastoral agents, such as Dom Pedro Casaldáliga, that “members of the Federal Police most often furnished information on these practices” (2004: p. 22).

Information on this crime is not news. Since the middle of the 19th century it has been possible to find someone writing about the subject (Davatz, 1980) For claims preceding the 1960s, see Figueira e Prado (2008: p. 92-93).. Also, the fiscal auditors of the Regional Labor Courts, even on carefully indicating what they found on the farms and ranches – armed men intimidating workers, torture and assassination of persons, the debt system present at the worksite, degrading situations regarding housing and food – often concluded that they found no signs of slavery.

For example, at the beginning of the 1990s, in the municipality of Floresta, south of Pará state, workers who tried to escape from a ranch were captured by the police who intended to return them to their employer. In another case, the police found out that a worker had been murdered while escaping from slave labor, and buried the dead man. In spite of having found the victim's documents, the death record only shows the word “Dog.”

Nevertheless, how are social pressure and the State's response manifested since the New Republic? To better understand this, we will divide the period into three movements, with the understanding that these are not rigid and, at certain times, one period can overlap another. The division is as follows: a) 1985 through 1994; b) 1995 through 2002; c) 2003 through 2009.

Mass Detention of Over 5500 FARMERS in Ahmedabad

LRAN — 2010-03-22T15:59:43Z

Chunibhai Vaidya, Veteran Gandhian, Kanubhai Kalsaria, MLA and SanatBhai Mehta, ex Finance Minister Among Those Detained

Over five thousand farmers from the Mahuva area in the Bhavnagar district of Gujarat have been detained and prohibited from taking out a peaceful rally protesting the government's sanction for a Nirma factory and limestone quarry in their area. Chunibhai Vaidya, a veteran Gandhian who founded Gujarat Loksamiti, Kanubhai Kalsaria, MLA of Mahuva, and Sanatbhai Mehta, ex Finance Minister of Gujarat, Ilaben Pathak of AWAG and a senior editor Prakash N Shah are among those detained by the police in this illegal suppression of collective democratic rights.


Pic 1: In detention in the police ground in Shahibaug of Ahmedabad area

The farmers were enroute to the Sabarmati Ashram in Ahmedabad, from where they intended to start a peaceful march to Gandhinagar to submit their petition, signed by 11,111 affected individuals in their own blood, when the buses and other vehicles they were using were stopped by the police. The farmers have been taken to Shahibagh in Ahmedabad and have been detained in police grounds. Several hundred protestors who reached the Sabarmati Ashram directly were also whisked away in police vans and blocked from taking out the march.

These farmers from Mahuva area in Bhavnagar district are protesting the decision by the Government of Gujarat to sanction a cement plant by Nirma Ltd, which includes 288 ha. of land for the factory and another 3000 ha. for a limestone quarry. Mahuva area has among the most fertile lands in Gujarat, where farmers grow three crops, and export dehydrated onions and numerous other fruits. Moreover, the numerous onion dehydrating plants (turnover Rs. 300 crore) & cotton gins (turnover Rs. 3,500 crore) provide employment to an additional 10,000 people in the factories. The cement plant which the government proposes to build in the area will employ only 418 people for an investment of 2500 crore (Rs. 2.5 billion), but will end up devastating around 50,000 land owners, farmers & farm labourers, besides polluting the air and destroying the pristine coastal & inland ecology. It was only in the last few years that the Government had invested tens of millions of public money to construct structures for water conservation & prevention of salinity ingress in this very area.

AID Saathi Anand Mazgaonkar and 92-year old veteran Gandhian, Chunibhai Vaidya

The farmers of the area have been protesting the government policies for over a year, and have been facing the combined wrath of the government and company goons for doing so. The government appointed a committee under SK Shelat (ex-Chief Secretary) to look into people's grievances last year, and the company was required to stop work pending the presentation of the report of the Shelat Committee. This Committee, without either visiting the area or listening to the affected people, has now given the 'go-ahead' to the company for this project, which is likely to destroy the lives of around 50 000 people.

People's signatures in blood, as a mark of their resolve to protest the cement factory project

The attack on the protestors today follows a pattern of police repression of non-violent and peaceful expression of dissent by the affected villagers. On 13th December 2009, Dr Kanubhai Kalsaria, MLA, 92 year old Gandhian Chunibhai Vaidya, Sagar Rabari, Anirudh Jadeja, Lakhan Musafir and Anand Mazgaonkar were prevented from holding a public meeting in Vangar village. Two local leaders Shri Wamanbhai and Pravinbhai Kathiria were beaten up apparently by hired goons, and other villagers were manhandled by the police. A few days ago, on 20th February, the police lathi-charged a peaceful rally of villagers, and ten activists continue to be imprisoned on false charges. Dr. Kanubhai Kalsaria, the MLA from Mahuva area, his wife and companions were again attacked o way to Doliya village on 21st February, and their 4 motorcycles were badly damaged. Undeterred by these clearly State sponsored backlash, the people from the area pressed on with their original plans of a massive march from Sabarmati Ashram to Gandhinagar (State capital) today to present their petition to the Chie f Minister. This latest round of police suppression of this villagers' rally today is a sad testament to the declining space available for voicing dissent in Gujarat today.

Michael Mazgaonkar - 09427188044

Swati Desai - 09429556163

Anand Mazgaonkar - 09426858117

Kanubhai Kalsaria, MLA of Mahuva, Ph: 98252-31012

Chunibhai Vaidya, Gujarat Loksamiti, Ph: 079-2755 7199/ 2755 7878

Sagar Rabari, Gujarat Loksamiti, Ph: 094288-25927

The chainsaw massacre

LRAN — 2009-12-23T23:23:39Z

The Indonesian conglomerates behind the rush for palm oil are well known for their collusion with the dictatorship of General Suharto (1965-98). The Raja Garuda Mas group belongs to Sukanto Tanoto, the richest man in the country.Greenpeace has accused its subsidiary Asian Agri of destroying the orangutans' habitat in Borneo. Its competitor, Sinar Mas is run by Eka Tjipta Widjaja, who was also close to Suharto and is now the third-richest person in the country. His subsidiary, Asia Pulp & Paper, was blacklisted for its indiscriminate deforestation in Indonesia, China and Cambodia, leading the US office supply chains Office Depot and Staples to switch suppliers.

Lapindo Brantas, a subsidiary of the Bakrie & Brothers conglomerate, was responsible for the drilling which in May 2006 led to a mudslide in Porong, Java. Boiling mud poured from a fracture at a rate of 125,000 m3 a day, covering hundreds of hectares of land. Thousands of villagers lost everything. Bakrie's response was to dispose of its subsidiary to an offshore company. Lapindo Brantas stopped its aid to the victims without explanation. Astonishingly, the head of the company, Aburizal Bakrie, is the minister for social affairs. Other big shots in the palm oil business include the Malaysian William Kuok Khoon Hong and the Indonesian Martua Sitorus, who founded the Wilmar group, which has been accused of forest burning in order to increase its land holdings as cheaply as possible.

In order to green up their image, all these companies became members of the Roundtable on Sustainable Palm Oil (RSPO). This organisation was founded in 2004 and has 300 members, and brings together producers, banks, clients and some NGOs. As its name suggests, its aim is to promote sustainable development. Unilever, Nestlé, Cargill, the British biofuel company Greenergy and the Dutch BioX Group BV pride themselves on only sourcing from RSPO members. BNP Paribas, Deutsche Bank and the Royal Bank of Scotland all claim that their Indonesian clients respect the environment. (Crédit Suisse and the Dutch banks Rabo Bank and ABN Amro declined to comment.) HSBC said it planned to terminate its relationship with some of its Indonesian clients in 2009 on environmental grounds.

Fian International, Friends of the Earth International and La Via Campesina condemn the forced eviction of the community of Las Pavas

LRAN — 2009-08-11T00:30:29Z

27/07/2009. - FIAN International, Friends of the Earth International and La Via Campesina condemn the forced eviction that occurred on July 14, 2009 of 120 families settled in the rural area known as Las Pavas, located in the Buenos Aires district, jurisdiction of the municipality of El Peñón, in the South of the Bolivar province. Members of the National Police and the Anti-riot Mobile Squad entered into the community's settlement at approximately 1:00 pm and destroyed 7 peasant family dwellings, looted their belongings, and proceeded to evacuate 120 families, in which included numerous pregnant women and approximately 100 children, some of whom had just been born.

Read more in the attached press release or at http://www.fian.org/news/press-rele...

For more information, please contact Sofia Monsalve at Monsalve@fian.org

Fallen Banker with Ties to Citigroup Involved in Shooting of Brazilian Landless Workers

LRAN — 2009-06-03T21:01:19Z

- Violence and represion

A Recipe for a Crisis

LRAN — 2008-04-13T22:22:21Z

South America is not in crisis. Since the so-called “war on terror” is already being used to justify the United States' policy of repression and military presence in the region, Alvaro Uribe's government is attempting to provoke armed conflict in his own country by invading Ecuadorian territory. Uribe also has the objective of avoiding the possibility of a negotiated, humanitarian accord with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) over freeing hostages, including former members of parliament who oppose his policy of war.

If South America were truly in crisis, other countries in this region would not have unanimously condemned the Colombian army's actions. We know, however, that historically many “crises” have been fabricated in order to justify the continuity of US political, economic, and military power not only in Latin America, but on other continents as well. The war in Colombia is an essential tool for the maintenance of the American war machine in this region. Plan Colombia was created to serve as a regional military platform, and, in many ways, the American government sought to bring other Southern Cone countries into the conflict.

In early 2001, when then-president Andrés Pastrana and FARC leader Manuel Marulanda attempted to negotiate a peace agreement, George Bush assumed power in the White House and began his international campaign for the enlargement of Plan Colombia. Then-US secretary of state Colin Powell, had the task of obtaining the support of Latin American countries for his military strategy in Colombia.

At the same time, the so called Plan Colombia, or “assistance package” of $1.3 billion, was approved by the US congress under the auspices of defending democracy and halting the drug trade. Congress even added specific conditions to the bill stating that Plan Colombia funds were not to be used for counter-insurgency purposes. Of course, no one believes that Plan Colombia was designed to combat drugs; however, it was also unacceptable to openly admit the US military's role in fighting Colombian guerillas.

Only after the 9-11 attacks on New York and Washington DC did the Bush regime begin to use the “war on terror” to justify his policies of war. Labeling the FARC as a terrorist group has only become possible in the post-September 11th international political climate. Since then, the jargon has come to be accepted by many governments, along with the media.

Towards the end of 2002, Colin Powel guaranteed an additional subsidy of $731 million to finance Ecuador, Bolivia, and Peru's participation in Plan Colombia. The role of Ecuador was particularly crucial, as the US was using the Manta Base to control airspace in the Amazonian region, the Panama Canal, and Central America.

The election of president Rafael Correa interrupted Ecuador's support for Plan Colombia. One of his first actions was to announce that he would not renew the treaty granting the US control over the Manta Base. The election of president Evo Morales in Bolivia and the country's resulting foreign policy changes signaled additional problems for the US government in the region. Despite the intentions of the Bush government to involve South American countries in the Colombian conflict through the Southern Command (a branch of the US Army that acts in Latin American), other governments have refused to classify the FARC as terrorists or to send troops to combat Colombian guerillas.

More recently, Hugo Chavez, the president of Venezuela, launched an international campaign for peace accords and for the release of hostages taken by the FARC. This move won him both governmental support and social admiration in many countries, especially in Europe and Latin America. Clearly, Bush and Uribe needed a counter attack and took aim at Ecuador, targeting president Rafael Correa and betting on a “crisis” wave spreading through the hemisphere.

Currently, the conservative mass media in many countries is repeating statements made by the Colombian police about supposed collaborations between Ecuador, Venezuela, and the FARC. These allegations only serve to frustrate attempts to pursue peace accords in Colombia. Other statements reinforce a climate of war. During the UN Conference on Disarmament, Francisco Santos Calderón, the Colombian vice president, claimed that the FARC sought to obtain radioactive materials, while Alvaro Uribe threatened to accuse Hugo Chavez of “sponsoring and financing genocide” at the International Criminal Court.

As professor Noam Chomsky has said, the first victim of war is the truth. In this case, the scene is set. It remains to be seen whether Uribe (who is attempting to hide allegations of working with the paramilitaries) and Bush (who is now demoralized and preparing to leave the White House) will have enough credibility to nourish this farce. (Translation: ALAI)

Maria Luisa Mendonca is a journalist and a member of the Social Network for Justice and Human Rights.

Original article posted 2008-03-04 in ALAI.net]

Landless lock motorway in support to the evicted families in Limeira

LRAN — 2007-12-06T01:45:17Z

29/11/2007

Yesterday afternoon, November 29th, approximately 200 Landless rural workers from Ribeirão Preto region organized a protest, closing km 315 in Anhanguera motorway. The mobilization intended to repudiate the violence used by the riot police in Limeira during the eviction, of the families living in Camp Elizabeth Teixeira

The eviction happened yesterday morning. Around 10:30AM, soldiers entered the camp firing rubber bullets against the landless workers who in the place. Among those who were wounded is the member of the national directorship of the MST, Gilmar Mauro. Five people were sent to the hospital, three were wounded and two people who felt sick including a woman who had a heart attack during the operation. The landless workers were not allowed to leave the area and to remove those who were wounded.

The Police remained in the camp, destroying what was left of the huts while waiting for the families to leave. The person in charge of the operation gave a deadline for the landless workers to leave the area. The workers are now waiting for the National Institute for Colonization and Agrarian Reform ( INCRA) to find a new site to relocate the evicted families. The MST holds the city house in Limeira, the São Paulo State government and the Federal government accountable for the episode. This incident occurs less than two months after the murder of the MST leader Vamir Mota Oliveira, Keno, in Paraná, during another violent action threatening the life of Landless Rural workers.

The camp Elizabeth Teixeira was established on April 21st this year. The Park Tatu, which formerly belonged to the Federal Railway System, has been incorporated into the Union. The court order for the reintegration of the site, given to the city of Limeira by the judge Flávio Dassi Viana is illegal, since the park belongs to the Union.

The city of Limeira, never had the title of the area, and uses some of the spaces of the Park to perform activities that degrade the environment. Inside of the park there is a “rubbish dump” that is operating in inadequate conditions, further damaging the already polluted river Tatu, which runs through the city of Limeira and meets Piracicaba River.