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40 Days of Protest Against Glamis Gold's Guatemalan Mine End in Blood Shed

January 16, 2005

January 10 marked the fortieth day that platform trailers carryied milling cylinders destined for Glamis Gold's Marlin mine through the western department of San Marcos Guatemala. Since December 3, the convoy of trailers and Glamis Gold mining activity have become objects of the growing opposition to metal mining in the largely indigenous populated highlands.

Daniel Vogt  
Asociación Estoreña Para el Desarrollo Integral (AEPDI)  
El Estor, Izabal
Guatemala
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Monday, January 10 marked the fortieth day that platform
trailers carrying milling cylinders for Glamis Gold's
Marlin mine in the western department of San Marcos had
been blocked from passing along the Panamerican Highway to
the mine. Since December 3, the convoy which could not
pass under a metal pedestrian crossing bridge 130 km
northwest of Guatemala City, is the object of a growing
opposition to metal mining in the largely indigenous
populated highlands.

When the equipment reached the bridge, workmen from the
transport company tried to cut away part of the bridge so
that the trailer could pass. When the local population
discovered that the equipment was for mining, they
initially feared that it was to be used in their
communities 100 km from the mine, and organized to protect
the bridge and prevent the mine equipment from passing
further. On the first day of protest more than 2000
indigenous farmers and villagers gathered, and tried to
dissuade the convoy from traveling further. When their
demands were not met, one small vehicle carrying tools and
fuel for the mine was set afire. The rest of the convoy
retreated 2 km to a lookout point parking area where it
remained until January 11, guarded by private police under
the vigilance of local villagers.

In the time since December 3, the local mayor stated
repeatedly his determination to respect his constituents?
demand that the equipment not continue to San Marcos where
Glamis is constructing its Marlin mine. However, the
Guatemalan Interior Ministry stated on January 8 that it
is prepared to call in troops to escort the convoy past
the bridge despite local opposition. Villagers have
stated that they would push the equipment over a cliff
where it is parked if the military intervened. However,
at 3:00 am January 11 hundreds of National Police and
Guatemalan Army soldiers arrived to escort the equipment
to the Marlin mine.

Although the Police had blocked access to the area,
hundreds of indigenous campesinos gathered to protest the
movement of the milling cylinder. Shots were fired and
tear gas used as the authorities dispersed protesters from
the area. Two kilometers away workmen accompanied by
National Police were busy dismantling the pedestrian
bridge that had initially blocked the cylinders passing.
When local villagers gathered to oppose the action, the
Police shot and killed two men, Raúl Castro Bocel and
Miguel Tzorín Tuy, and wounded several other persons,
ultimately accomplishing their objective. At this
writing, there are unconfirmed reports of four Police
being held hostage by groups of villagers who are outraged
at the death of their companions.

As news of the deaths and violence spread through the
area, large groups of villagers gathered along the highway
where the cylinder and convoy are to pass, ready to try to
halt its advance. Prepared for this resistance the convoy
is accompanied by hundreds of Police and soldiers as armed
escorts.

The opposition to the mine arises from a mining license
granted by the lame duck Portillo administration in late
2003, without conducting the obligatory consultation of
the local indigenous communities, required by Convention
169 of the ILO. Once the communities discovered the
extent and possible impacts of the project, opposition
formed around issues of violation of the rights of
indigenous persons and environmental risks inherent to the
cyanide leaching refinement process. The situation is
further aggravated by the World Bank's International
Finance Corporation's lending $45 million to Glamis to
develop the mine, despite written opposition to the mine
project by local organizations, and the apparent non
compliance of the IFC to the Bank's own recommendations
regarding extractive industries investments requiring
their broad community support and clear poverty
alleviating impacts.

Local organizations and villagers have organized across
four departments in support of the protest and demanded a
government / company dialogue directly with the San Marcos
communities affected by the mine project to reach an
accord regarding the mine's future. As tensions rose and
patience grew short, neither the company or government
showed signs of engaging those opposed to the mine, and
the World Bank, having been informed of these problems
since early December, demonstrated no leadership or
ability to address the situation.

The situation remains extremely tense, and despite so many
claims to the contrary by the World Bank and mining
industry, the same repressive practices reminiscent of the
mining projects from the past remain the norm of the day.

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